1. Who is Nicholas Alahverdian?

    Nicholas is currently pursuing his Bachelor of Liberal Arts (ALB) degree with a concentration in English Literature at Harvard University. He maintains professional memberships with the Modern Language Association, the American Comparative Literature Association, and the Poetry Society of America.

    Nicholas has held positions with the Howard R. Swearer Center for Public Service at Brown University, NBC News, Rhode Island Public Interest Research Group, YMCA of Greater Providence, and the Rhode Island Disability Law Center Advisory Board. 

    From 2002 through 2003, he served as a legislative aide to Representative Gordon D. Fox (now Speaker of the House) and Representative (now Senator) Beatrice A. Lanzi of the Rhode Island House of Representatives.

    Of Nicholas, Senator Lanzi has said, “I had the opportunity to work with Nicholas while he was a Legislative Page in the RI House of Representatives. I found Nicholas to be hard working and dedicated. He was very interested in the legislative process and committed to being involved and making a positive difference in the community.” 

    Nicholas was unfortunately a victim of child abuse in the Rhode Island social service system, and when he reported the incidents to the legislators he worked for and the media, the social services agency (DCYF) and the Family Court sent him to facilities (both later closed by their own states for abuse and neglect) in Florida and Nebraska where he was prohibited from contacting his legislators, the media, lawyers, the court system, law enforcement, or anyone else.

    His lawsuit against the Rhode Island Department of Children, Youth and Families is currently pending before the Honorable Judge John J. McConnell of the United States District Court for the District of Rhode Island. The lawsuit can be accessed by clicking here

    Nicholas can be contacted via email at nalahverdian@fas.harvard.edu

     
  2. Jeremiah’s record should be probed

    This op-ed appeared in The Providence Journal on April 24, 2012. Jeremiah S. Jeremiah, former Chief Judge of the Rhode Island Family Court, is a defendant in Alahverdian v. Rhode Island, a case pending in the U.S. District Court for the District of Rhode Island.

    By Anne Grant

    The Journal’s Tracy Breton reports that two Rhode Island lawyer-legislators have introduced a bill to honor retired Family Court Chief Judge ‍Jeremiah S. ‍Jeremiah Jr. with his own vanity plate (“Bill would create special license plate for retired R.I. Family Court Judge ‍Jeremiah,” March 27).

       Rhode Island taxpayers are already paying extravagantly for the license that ‍Jeremiah took at the court he controlled for more than two decades.

       Lawyer William Holt scolded me for criticizing the chief judge in the July 18, 1993, Journal (“R.I. court system further victimizes battered families”). Holt seethed: He seemed to say that it is called Family Court not just because it deals with family issues but because the court runs like a family, with then-Chief Judge ‍Jeremiah like a father to the lawyers, who always came to his defense.

       I was executive director of a shelter for battered mothers and their children. Many mistakenly think that mothers always win custody of children at court, but evidence shows that those parents with money to litigate and influential connections are far more likely to get the children — even those who have already punished their families with physical, emotional and sexual abuse.

       Adversarial litigation often traumatizes families, subjecting them to the terrors of aggressive lawyers, manipulative psychologists and coercive court orders. When one of our clients delivered her children to their father for a court-ordered visit, he stabbed her to death.

       We began to recognize a group at Family Court that we called the Cranston Cabal. They emerged from Cranston City Hall during the years Edward DiPrete was mayor, from 1978 to 1984. Bill Holt proved his value as DiPrete’s administrative assistant during a liquor-licensing imbroglio in the early 1980s.

       ‍Jeremiah paid his political dues as Republican chairman in Cranston. He spent 15 years as assistant city solicitor and six more as solicitor when DiPrete was mayor.

       When DiPrete became governor, in 1985, ‍Jeremiah advanced to the State House as executive counsel. Two years later, DiPrete’s turn came to fill a vacancy on Family Court, and he rewarded ‍Jeremiah. Barely a year later, in1987, DiPrete called Judge ‍Jeremiah his “closest friend” and made him chief of Family Court.

       The Cranston Cabal also produced Family Court Judge Kathleen A. Voccola. Mayor Di-Prete named her to fill ‍Jeremiah‍’‍s former position as assistant city solicitor in 1979. Then she became the first woman to be the state’s liquor control administrator. Governor DiPrete said the appointment was in line with his “continuing efforts to place qualified women in positions of authority and responsibility.”

       Voccola was not the first woman that Republicans invited to fill out the GOP ticket with Di-Prete in 1988. She was sacrificial lamb against popular Atty. Gen. James O’Neil. A year later, DiPrete made her a judge on Family Court.

       In 1989, the Ethics Commission began investigating charges that DiPrete had steered state contracts to campaign contributors. In 1991, a grand jury began hearing evidence of DiPrete’s pay-to-play extortion. In 1998, DiPrete made a plea deal to protect his son from prosecution and went to prison himself for bribery, extortion and racketeering. Without a public trial, the whole truth didn’t get out, and DiPrete’s friends on Family Court escaped unscathed.

       ‍Jeremiah skated away from his own brush with the Ethics Commission. He and Voccola sat on the Governor’s Juvenile Justice Commission, where she made, and he seconded, a 1997 motion that awarded $56,000 in federal money to a police organization that sublet space from Holt in ‍Jeremiah‍’‍s Cranston office building and paid some of that rent directly to ‍Jeremiah.

       By the time a grievance against him reached the Commission on Judicial Tenure and Discipline in 1998, Voccola had been named to that body, and the commission found no basis for the complaint.

       In 1999, the Ethics Commission also exonerated ‍Jeremiah, rejecting a staff recommendation that had urged a full-blown ethics trial and provided 64 pages of findings and exhibits.

       His unpretentious Cranston office building at 995 Park Ave. gave no clue to the power he wielded. His tenants seemed to gain preferential treatment and prominence at Family Court, where lawyers jockey for rich litigants in custody cases that can be dragged out for hundreds of billable hours until children turn 18.

       Rhode Island had a time-honored tradition of letting the House speaker, Senate majority leader and governor take turns appointing their cronies as judges. In 1994, voters approved a constitutional amendment establishing the Judicial Nominating Commission (JNC) to recommend only highly qualified candidates for judgeships.

       The General Assembly evaded the JNC process by letting chief judges appoint a vastly increased number of politically connected magistrates, and ‍Jeremiah rewarded several with powers and salaries comparable to judges’.

       In 1997, he brought David Tassoni to court as a law clerk intern. Tassoni had neither the college nor law-school degrees he claimed, but he rose quickly to a top administrative post, reporting directly to ‍Jeremiah. He seemed ubiquitous, moving from courtroom to courtroom, making recommendations to judges that harmed children. In 2011, after the new chief judge, Haiganush Bedrosian, called in state police to investigate him, Tassoni left.

       Instead of awarding ‍Jeremiah an honorary license plate, the General Assembly should investigate the license he took: the exorbitant waste of public funds and the damages still done by the cabals of Rhode Island Family Court.

       Anne Grant ( ParentingProject@cox.net  ) writes about research into Family Court custody cases.

     
  3. “A hard lesson in what a state can do to a kid”

    By Bob Kerr

    Published April 20, 2012 in The Providence Journal 

       It’s hard to understand why my friend Nick ‍Alahverdians story hasn’t resonated with more people and led to more needed changes. Perhaps it’s because he has been too much his own advocate, worked the State House too diligently, been too articulate in defining the state’s failures.

       One thing is certain: What happened to ‍Alahverdian in the name of child protection should never happen to any kid ever. He was denied a substantial chunk of his childhood. He was put in night-to-night placement by the Department of Children, Youth and Families, a practice so hideously abusive and stifling that it would seem better fit to a Charles Dickens novel than to 21st century Rhode Island.

       Then, for reasons never really explained, he was shipped far out of state to facilities in Florida and Nebraska that were nightmares. There was serious abuse, he said. He was beaten by other residents at a place called Manatee Palms in Florida.

       Think about it. A kid who wanted nothing more than to go to school is put in DCYF care because his family can’t take care of him. And he is not only denied his education, he is put in places far away where he is physically abused, has no chance to go to school, and in some cases is shut off from outside contact. Remember, there is no crime here. There is just the extreme misfortune of being placed in state care and being denied a voice in his future.

       He has always suspected that he was sent out of state because he was so outspoken about the horrors of night-to-night placement. He had been a page and an aide at the Rhode Island State House before his exile, and he was not reluctant to point out the hard lessons learned from his DCYF experience.

       Through intelligence and sheer will, he is now at Harvard. He knows that Cambridge is a much healthier place for him to be than anywhere in Rhode Island. But he points out he is an undergraduate at 24 because of the years that were taken away from him. He has suffered academically and socially.

       And there is unfinished business in Rhode Island. There is a bill sponsored for the second time on his behalf by Rep. Roberto DaSilva of East Providence that would restrict out-of-state placement by DCYF to cases in which there is absolutely no one in Rhode Island who can provide the required services. DaSilva calls it common sense legislation that would save money and even create jobs.

       And there is the lawsuit brought by ‍Alahverdian in federal court against the State of Rhode Island, DCYF and several of its officials and former Family Court Chief Judge Jeremiah Jeremiah, who ordered the out-of-state placements. There has yet to be a ruling in the case by U.S. District Judge John J. McConnell.

       But regardless of what happens in federal court or at the State House, ‍Alahverdian has left his mark. Night-to-night placement has been ended forever. And Manatee Palms, the Florida facility where ‍Alahverdian experienced so much abuse, is no longer used by DCYF. ‍Alahverdian, I have to believe, had something to do with those changes.

       If nothing else, he says, he would like an apology from the state. Surely, he and a bunch of other young survivors deserve one. The person delivering the apology would probably have to come from those state officials who agree that it is bad public policy to screw up kids’ lives.

     
  4. image: Download

    The House Judiciary Committee hears a bill introduced by Representative Roberto DaSilva related to out-of-state placement of kids who are in DCYF care; Nicholas Alahverdian, center, is on hand to testify. At left is Representative Scott Slater; at right is Jonathan Messinger, a Boston attorney with Alahverdian. Courtesy of The Providence Journal.

    The House Judiciary Committee hears a bill introduced by Representative Roberto DaSilva related to out-of-state placement of kids who are in DCYF care; Nicholas Alahverdian, center, is on hand to testify. At left is Representative Scott Slater; at right is Jonathan Messinger, a Boston attorney with Alahverdian. Courtesy of The Providence Journal.

     
  5. 00:00 19th Mar 2012

    Notes: 3

    image: Download

    Full text of an early 2011 article in The Providence Journal. 
Out of state and out of mind
By Bob Kerr
The question is: How does a smart kid from Rhode Island who wants desperately to go to school end up instead in a place in Florida that features barbed wire, lockdowns and limited access to the outside world — all at a cost of $330 a day to the state he came from?It might seem a crime would have to be involved, but there is no crime. There’s just a guy, now 23, who got caught up in Rhode Island’s child welfare system and ended up in places far from home where he couldn’t plead his case. 

The misery, he says, was compounded by beatings by other young residents of the deceptively named Manatee Palms Youth Services.The story is one seldom heard, at least not as clearly and eloquently as Nicholas Alahverdian tells it. We hear little of those kids in state care who end up hundreds, even thousands of miles away in facilities that sometimes have complete control over their every move.Alahverdian is a friend of mine, and I’ve always been impressed by the mere fact of his survival. He has been stuck in a cruel system that could have left him one of the lost boys of Rhode Island. He has had brief tastes of normalcy mixed with hard stretches of pointless, spirit-sapping supervision. Now, he is going to college, trying to claim all those things denied him when his life was not his own.Like many before him, he ended up in state care because his family couldn’t take care of him. He lists depression and posttraumatic stress disorder as his biggest problems. And once in the system, he found it is very hard to get out. He had some almost happy periods. There was a pretty good group home in Providence where he lived while attending Hope High School. There was a foster home that looked like it could be a long-term place to live until the foster parents decided they couldn’t make the commitment.We met in 2002. These are some quotes from the first column I wrote about him. They are in reference to the night-to-night placement he endured while under the control of the state Department of Children, Youth and Families (DCYF).“It’s scary, ridiculously scary. There are punks in there; they took my sneakers, my clothing. I was threatened, assaulted. I saw kids hit each other with hockey sticks.“You wake up in the morning at 5:30 and you go to the DCYF building and wait to see where you’re going to go the next night.“You’re not in school and I love school. You’re not associating with friends. You’re not treated decently. And how can your parents know where you are.”
Night-to-night placement was, by anybody’s standards, a disaster. It was kid-dumping on the move. Long empty days would begin at a DCYF building in Pawtucket and end in one of the shelters scattered throughout the state — Woonsocket, Providence, Central Falls, Pawtucket, Narragansett.“I never learned how to be a kid,” said Alahverdian.The incredible and frightening thing about Alahverdian’s story is that once he was past night-to-night placement, he was subjected to something even worse. At our first meeting, he was enthused about his work as a page and an aide at the State House. He seemed to have the worst behind him. But he didn’t.“Night-to-night was like Disneyland compared to Manatee Palms,” he said.He was Nicholas Rossi when we met. He has since reclaimed the name he was born with. And on Tuesday at noon, he is planning to hold a news conference in the State House Rotunda to talk about what has happened to him and what he is doing to try to make sure it doesn’t happen to anyone else. He will discuss the legislation he has been working on.The bill he has worked on for a long time is basically his response to the horror story he had to live for too long. It would put safeguards in place to prevent kids from being sent to places far harsher and more restrictive than they need to be.“Kids need school, not confinement,” he said.He calls for a compliance officer to be put in place to protect the right of children in state care to be placed in the least restrictive environment possible. And thorough research would have to be conducted into all facilities being considered for out-of-state placements to make sure they comply with Rhode Island law.The right to contact a lawyer, call a help line, or contact a family member would be guaranteed. While DCYF officials stress that such contact is always guaranteed, Alahverdian says he was denied outside contact at Manatee Palms and Boys Town in Nebraska, where he was sent earlier.Every kid in the system would get a copy of the Children’s Bill of Rights.The decision to come out now and tell the story, to put classes at Harvard on hold for a semester so that he can lobby for the legislation, means there will be a smart public voice asking the questions seldom asked about the way DCYF deals with kids.Stephanie Terry, associate director of Child Welfare Services, says Alahverdian makes some legitimate points.“We’re in the midst of trying to get away from residential care,” said Terry. “It doesn’t normalize; it makes things more difficult. If you tell a child when to eat, when to go to bed, how can they come out of that and know how to deal with life?”She has a simple explanation for why kids are sent out of state. They are sent out of state because their needs cannot be met in state. But Rep. Roberto DaSilva, who represents East Providence and Pawtucket, said that he will introduce legislation by the March 3 deadline to end all out-of-state placements. He says there are resources here to provide the necessary treatment and he has talked with providers willing to do that.While she said she can’t comment directly on Alahverdian’s case, Terry said that DCYF stopped using Manatee Palms, a 60-bed psychiatric facility in Bradenton, in 2005.“There were concerns we had with the way they were treating our kids,” she said.In 2004, the state paid Manatee Palms $49,468. In 2005, it paid $274,002. Since then, the facility has twice been closed by the State of Florida because of “hurtful behavior” by staff.Alahverdian got there on Sept. 9, 2004, and stayed for eight months. He figures his tab at about $85,000.He remembers the lobby was beautiful. Once inside, he saw holes punched in the walls and heard constant screaming.“I was a geek nerd who wanted to read.”He said he was assaulted almost every day. He finally got out, he said, after Pat Chabot, a DCYF social worker, visited and realized how bad the situation was. Rhode Island Family Court finally intervened.Alahverdian has “aged out” of the system. His resilience is stunning. He has been through two out-of-state placements — Boys Town in Nebraska, which was a bust, and Manatee Palms, which was a nightmare. He thinks part of the reason he was sent far away is because he kept challenging the system here at home.“The problem here was, I was consistently informative, a source of information on DCYF.”He just wanted to go to school, he said, and he can’t understand why that couldn’t have been arranged in the state he grew up in. He will probably never get a real explanation.We can only hope that Alahverdian is one of the last of the Rhode Island kids sent away and cut off from home. DCYF is changing, Terry says. For one thing, night-to-night placement is never, ever coming back. And while there are currently 27 kids in out-of-state placement, more than half are in Massachusetts and Connecticut. And some placements are made with the knowledge of family members living close to facilities in other states.“You can’t make behavioral changes in children and not work with the family at the same time,” said Terry.That just makes so much sense.

    Full text of an early 2011 article in The Providence Journal. 

    Out of state and out of mind

    By Bob Kerr

    The question is: How does a smart kid from Rhode Island who wants desperately to go to school end up instead in a place in Florida that features barbed wire, lockdowns and limited access to the outside world — all at a cost of $330 a day to the state he came from?

    It might seem a crime would have to be involved, but there is no crime. There’s just a guy, now 23, who got caught up in Rhode Island’s child welfare system and ended up in places far from home where he couldn’t plead his case.

    Read More

     
  6. image: Download

     
  7. 11:53 16th Jan 2012

    Notes: 6

    DaSilva reintroduces bill to keep kids under DCYF care in-state

    STATE HOUSE – Rep. Roberto DaSilva (D-Dist. 63, East Providence, Pawtucket) has reintroduced a bill this week that would keep more children in the Department of Children, Youth and Families (DCYF) care in Rhode Island.

    The bill (2012-H 7135) would require Rhode Island Family Court and DCYF to allow state service providers the opportunity to develop an individual treatment plan for any child in need of service. No child would be sent to out-of-state residences, facilities or treatment centers without first allowing a Rhode Island provider the opportunity to develop a treatment plan to help that child.

    “This legislation will protect children and adolescents in the care of the state while improving economic growth here at home,” Representative DaSilva said. “Rhode Island has an abundance of service providers who are willing to develop individualized plans to meet the needs of our children. Instead of outsourcing our children to out-of-state corporations where it is more difficult to monitor their care and progress, we will keep them close to home.”

    Each year, he said, millions of tax dollars are spent on service providers outside Rhode Island’s borders.

    “In these tough economic times, we need to make sure our tax dollars are being wisely spent,” he said. “We need to keep our children, our money and jobs right here in Rhode Island.”

    In the 2011 legislative session, Representative DaSilva introduced the measure after meeting Nicholas Alahverdian, a former DCYF client who suffered abuse and neglect after landing in two out-of-state residential facilities. Alahverdian eventually became the director of policy and research for NexusGovernment and lobbies for legislation protecting children in DCYF custody.

    “The passage of this legislation will ensure that no child will ever have to suffer through what I did ever again,” Alahverdian said. 

    Co-sponsoring the bill are Reps. Samuel A. Azzinaro (D-Dist. 37, Westerly), Scott J. Guthrie (D-Dist. 28, Coventry), Michael J. Marcello (D-Dist. 41, Cranston, Scituate) and Michael W. Chippendale (R-Dist. 40, Coventry, Foster, Glocester).

     
  8. Another baffling Chafee shakeup; Christine Hunsinger still Press Secretary

    The Providence Journal reports:

    In a major shakeup of his State House staff, Governor Chafee has drafted former Rep. George Zainyeh — a Democrat who, in the 1990s, twice tried to oust him as mayor of Warwick — to replace Patrick Rogers as his chief of staff.

    Zainyeh recently started a new job as chief strategy officer for Family Services of Rhode Island. He was staff chief for former U.S. Rep. Patrick Kennedy and served on state Treasurer Gina Raimondo’s transition team.

    Two things: first, he “recently started a new job as chief strategy officer.” Ha. Sounds like he has been “strategically officiating” to leave a job for which he was recently hired - demonstrating personal instability, opportunism, and a lack of commitment. Great, humble guy to have as your chief of staff, Gump. 

    Second: Chafee got rid of the wrong guy. Until Chafee fails to get reelected, he should also sack his Legislative Director-turned-Press Secretary Christine Hunsinger. She is the Mother Gump to his inner-Forrest. Inept, incompetent, and imbecilic, Hunsinger is an egocentric, opportunistic moron who has no place in state government. Then again, most policy staff in Rhode Island are foolish schmucks. Chafee’s facial tics have even made more official moves than he has during his sad and dreary gubernatorial tenure.

    Hunsinger is an elitist limousine liberal, who, within the first five minutes of meeting you, will tell you all about the master’s degree she got at Brown while she was in her forties. And that woman who perhaps may have seemed to have had a bit too much to drink at Local 121? That was probably her too. I wonder who was taking care of her kids (who allegedly suffer from autism) while she was out drinking with all of the other self-interested, pseudo-intellectual, disingenuous opportunistic political operatives that take advantage of poverty-stricken Rhode Islanders with their double-dealing rhetoric that have all the time in the world to drink but can’t attend a rally to support a kid who was tortured while in the foster care system.

    Hunsinger also once called the Rhode Island State Police because I visited the Legislative and Policy offices “too often” in my capacity as a registered lobbyist for Nexus. Last time I checked, that’s what a lobbyist does. Even the State Police detective was nice enough to remind me that she overreacted. The situation was later rectified, with the help of Capitol Police Chief Joseph Little, not by a scheduled meeting (which is all that I requested), but an impromptu, muddled brouhaha composed of myself and the governor’s ragtag policy team, including John Cucco, Brian Daniels, and others. Who is more at fault? The team that assembled together at the unrequested drop of a hat? Or the lobbyist, who patiently waited for months to schedule a briefing session on proposed child abuse prevention legislation that would save the state millions of dollars through community-based placements?

    If this is a snapshot of a day in the life of working in Governor Chafee’s administration, every Rhode Island citizen must fear for his or her life. The state is not being governed - it’s not even being presided over. The gubernatorial staff is composed of self-absorbed, irrational individuals with no real insight into the tribulations and disarraying difficulties facing Rhode Islanders that don’t live in Newport or on the East Side of Providence. Most, if not all, clearly have a personal agenda that revolves around career advancement. These people live, eat, and breathe politics. Not only will they most likely rotate from congressional delegate to state office to non-profit lobbying entity, but they will also continue to tell you that they are working to make Rhode Island a better place to live (which could not be further from the truth) in order to make themselves feel better.

    Hunsinger’s behavior and personality is especially disturbing. Upon my first visit to her office, I recall seeing 10-15 coffee cups scattered around a desk covered in carelessly thrown documents and food that must have been days old. On the floor resided several pairs of heels, semi-filled bottles of Diet Coke, and more paperwork. This was when she was legislative director. And now she handles communicative (or in her case, anti-communicative) affairs for not only the legislative office, but every other department in the Executive Office of the Governor? Ha!

    And now this woman, who overreacts, seems to drink too much, can’t seem to take an active role in the care of her own (allegedly autistic) kids, and blatantly uses public power for personal gain is the governor’s press secretary? Something is really, really wrong.

    Go ahead, Christine - call the State Police to report this blog. I think the last government with the mindset that police existed to fulfill personal vice-ridden, undemocratic and intimidating acts that you couldn’t handle yourself was called the Third Reich.

     
  9. RI Supreme Court to review class action suit against RI Family Court

    630 WPRO reports:

    “Rhode Island’s highest court has agreed to review a class-action lawsuit alleging that the state Family Court’s truancy program was operated in secrecy and violated the rights of children and their parents.

    The state Supreme Court agreed on Wednesday to evaluate whether the lawsuit filed by the American Civil Liberties Union and its Rhode Island affiliate can properly be brought in state Superior Court.

    Mediation efforts have been unsuccessful, and the defendants have requested that the case be dismissed on jurisdictional grounds.

    The lawsuit filed in March 2010 names the Family Court’s chief judge, five magistrates and school officials in Providence, East Providence, South Kingstown, Burrillville and Smithfield.”


    This is much needed and long overdue. The Rhode Island Supreme Court is to be applauded for finally taking on this case which will hopefully allow the tangled, corrupt bureaucracy of the Rhode Island Family Court to be unraveled. Now let’s see what they actually do.

    Disclaimer: The above referenced case is NOT related to Alahverdian v. Rhode Island. But it does relate to the case in that it demonstrates a conspiratorial, secretive, broken, and destructive system that must be overseen and dismantled by the Rhode Island Supreme Court.

     
  10. Thomas Wolfe: the Southerner, the Existentialist

    © 2011 Nicholas Alahverdian  

       Thomas Wolfe, an author in the Southern Literary Renaissance, was not like the Southern writers that preceded him. These foregoing authors focused on historical romances, purportedly valiant efforts by Confederate soldiers, and the antebellum Southern condition. This historical writing, firmly rooted in the traditionally Southern rhetorical style (a method, as Allen Tate argued in his 1959 essay “A Southern Mode of the Imagination,” of writing based on persuasion and oratory) began to diminish as the South witnessed several crucial events: the abolition of slavery,  the defeat of the Confederate forces, and Reconstruction [1865-1877].

        These occurrences impacted Wolfe as strongly as they impacted many people throughout the South, and following these historical events, he emerged as the writer who seemed most affected. During this crucial period of literary innovation Wolfe was not isolated from the texts, ideas, and teachings of the existentialist movement; most specifically relating to meaning, recovery, war, and others.

        Wolfe, widely considered one of the most necessary and crucial writers of the 20th century, embodied the philosophical conceptualization of existentialism. He lived his life and authored his works in such a way that was not unlike attempting to mimic the proverbial life of the existentialist. Further, he was immersed in the depths of loneliness and alienation caused by events that occurred in his life. Growing up in the New South, he faced a region that was depressed by the loss of a war and a devastated economy.

        Wolfe had a complex, contradictory character. Frugal despite his love of spending, he never threw things away. He was inherently concerned about the existence of things. He had brawny passions: he loved great food, but then he starved himself day after day, almost like fasting, trying to write the great work of his generation. Even further, perhaps mimicking the icons, he partook of the proverbial existential cultural elements of black coffee and cigarettes. He leaned toward alcoholism yet labored many sober days - almost tugging at the delicate balance between life and fantasy - assisting with flowery and descriptive writing in his work.

        There seems to be a polarity in Wolfe’s life, his lifestyle choices, and he also demonstrated symptoms of bipolar.  Like many existentialists, he applied meaning to his life, living it both passionately and sincerely notwithstanding the existential obstructions imposed by Southern culture including discouragement, loss, and anguish. Wolfe also had a “compulsion to pour out the history of his experience in talk, letters, [and] diaries” substantiating further his aim to emphasize human individuality and freedom, and in this case his own. He described his life experiences as a person would describe storms or floods. His passion was so immense that even the slightest of distractions would put him into despair and he would constantly “brood, drink, and pace the streets.”

        Wolfe would call friends on the phone in an accusatory manner, claiming betrayal. This existential angst, the crucial desire to figure out who his genuine friends are, this discovering of the independent self is right on par with the way French philosopher Jean-Paul Sartre described it: “man first of all exists, encounters himself, surges up in the wold - and defines himself afterwards.” He encountered himself via his soul-searching and through the discovery of true friends and faithful advisers.

        A relentless writer, he always wrote in iambic pentameter, forever faithful to his passion. Ever true to his enthusiastic search for meaning, he applied this fervor in his literal and figurative search for a father or a god of some sort. Wolfe persistently sough out a powerful deity or a cunning muse. Nevertheless, the challenge of searching for “an image of a strength and wisdom external to his need and superior to his hunger” fused his zealousness for truth with his literary confidence and judgement, producing some of the most remarkable work of the 20th century.

        Memorizing poetry as a child also helped Wolfe to practice adding meaning to his life early on.  Gradually amplifying his focus on the literary fire in his belly allowed Wolfe to live his life acknowledging his existence preceded his essence - a critical component of existentialist philosophy. He grasped the notion that he was not born a great writer and must become one.  Perpetually restless, he was “without a home - a vagabond since [he] was seven” and seeking out where he belonged physically (i.e. in Asheville, his home or Harvard) as well as intellectually. This concept that he was indeed without a father led him to gain greater understanding, eventually realizing that his search for a patriarch was not merely a “father in the flesh,” but a substitution for God, a guiding light, and an alluring source of inspiration.

        Prioritizing the search for truth was imperative for Thomas Wolfe. As he blazed this trail, he absorbed and adopted the traditional qualities of an astute philosopher and author, learning that he was not to be afraid to think or question, nor was he afraid of critically examining provincial conventions. Every idea was a planted seed for Wolfe, and he nourished each idea until it came into full fruition, producing even more.

        However, the existential Wolfe was afflicted with angst and dread. He was “more lost at Harvard than he had ever felt before.” Money was certainly an issue, and he was extremely depressed. Leaving the house was rare, and he sometimes spoke so infrequently that “the sound of his own voice seemed strange.” Wolfe experienced insecurity and fear during these arduous times, and his fury drove him to read many books. The search for a colossal source of inspiration was intensified by his father’s death, something that perhaps was an unfinished quest. One influential person in Wolfe’s life, Harvard Professor George Pierce Baker, didn’t even get a proper farewell from him. Wolfe tried to exalt Baker into a God, a father. “The great man, the prophet, the infinitely wise and gentle and strong spirit” that Wolfe knew soon diminished into a fleshly being, “fallible and mortal.”

        Captivated by despair and the intricacies that came with it, Wolfe valued the defining qualities of existentialism. He knew that even though there were events that caused him to lose hope, or be catapulted into depression, or to be immersed in pain, he persevered through stalwart determination, growing throughout the way.  He began to use dismay as an incentive to develop meaningful characteristics that would not fail him, provoking the most productive periods of his short yet distinguished career.

        Wolfe’s experiences with doubt and distrust inhibited his writing so abundantly that he used his cynicism and anguish to fuel independence - in his writing and in his life. Wolfe began to learn that he was at the helm of his life. He began to make weighty choices that would ameliorate his life by meeting with editor Maxwell Perkins in 1928 and, perhaps something he would not do just a few years earlier, worked with him to reduce his manuscript of Look Homeward, Angel by 60,000 words.  These actions taught Wolfe the values of independence and freedom to choose.  He learned that he could still write fervently and passionately (i.e., with meaning) while making independent or collaborative editorial and literary choices.

        Wolfe’s writing could conceivably be contrived as the embodiment of his inherent desire to be authentic. He found himself by writing and wrote in order to find himself. This reciprocative process only strengthened the image he had of himself - thereby generating meaning in his life - while also improving the view that others had of him. No longer was he bound by the chains of uncertainty or the inability to be independent. He began to write, more than he ever had before, and eventually submitted many manuscripts - totaling over one million words - to his editor before his death.

        Throughout Wolfe’s writing, especially in the semi-autobiographical Look Homeward, Angel, he demonstrates his interest in the existence of human beings and the results and effects of their choices. The son searching for the father is a theme throughout the novel, as it was for Wolfe throughout his life. Thematic elements including loneliness,  depression, and the search for meaning are also common in both the book and his life. In order for Wolfe to produce tangible, literary results that were steeped with meaning to himself and others, he had to occasionally subvert his writing process from a search for a patriarchal figure to simply deriving inspiration from his own experiences and life lessons.

        Even the fictionalization of his hometown of Asheville, North Carolina is evident - naming it Altamont, Catawba.  He desired to plunge into the fundamentals and essentials of life, not only his own, but also those of his friends and relatives.  The novel addresses many tragedies, which can also be interpreted as “teachable moments” including the marriages and struggles of protagonist Oliver Gant.  Gant, after losing a wife and several children, becomes an energetic patriarch, proving himself to be worthy of his own expectations for familial relations. Even as he was drunk and away from his wife while she was giving birth to son Eugene, he evolves into a character that becomes formidably warm and perhaps gentler than when we first meet him.

        This and other examples demonstrate Wolfe’s fascination with the human condition, and his credo correlates with that of philosophers of the existential school of thought.  He began to understand that life itself is based on the human subject - his experiences, his successes, and his failings.  As he gained a greater understanding of an absurd albeit beautiful world, even his own Southern world, he became a better writer while beginning to attribute meaning to his own life.

        In his life and in his work, Thomas Wolfe lived deliberately. As Wolfe evolved, his writing also grew, and it was not without an evolution of ideological framework or philosophical debate.  Throughout these philosophical trials, this personal soul-searching, Wolfe espoused what Allen Tate praised as the keystone of the Southern Literary Renaissance: the dialectical method. A literary dialectical method that not only permitted internal discourse, but encouraged such soul searching that eventually allowed Wolfe to become an extraordinary writer.  As he pondered the future of the devastated South, came to know his own history, and even the meaning of his life, he became a hallmark writer of the Southern Renaissance.

     
  11. Milan Azar: Another Rhode Island political/legal success story

    In an entry on today’s Providence Journal website, the public was made aware of the misdeeds of a man who I have long suspected to be a corrupt charlatan shrouded in the scum of Rhode Island politics: Milan Azar. The Journal reports that the Rhode Island Supreme Court ordered Azar “to provide 20 hours of free representation in guardianship cases.”

    …and I quote:

    Azar was accused of deliberately over-billing the state Department of Children, Youth and Families for a guardianship, lying about it to the DCYF and to the court’s disciplinary counsel, and improperly soliciting clients.

    Azar, a former candidate for the Rhode Island Senate, is known for his incessant presence in the halls of the fifth floor of the J. Joseph Garrahy Judicial Complex - also known as the Rhode Island Family Court. With an aura veiled with the time-honored Rhode Island ethic of silence and secrecy, he permeated the powerful, parochial passageways of those who controlled the existence of countless children.

    His unmistakable Rhode Island accent accompanied by his deplorably feigned charisma brings into being the image of one who is not unlike a character from Goodfellas - and he is not alone in this cast of hooligans. Remember David Tassoni, former Family Court Chief Judge Jeremiah S. Jeremiah’s chief of staff?

    David Tassoni worked at Rhode Island’s Family Court for 13 years.

    Tassoni’s resume said he graduated law school and earned a degree from Providence College. From there, he rose through the ranks of state’s Family Court, recently reporting directly to the chief judge and making $105,000 a year.

    NBC 10 learned neither degree exists.

    The corrupt good ol’ boy culture of Rhode Island politics - particularly relating to the unreasonably powerful individuals whose actions effect the most vulnerable Rhode Islanders - is slowly unraveling. Just the same, it is justifiably deteriorating so as to ensure a future founded on truth - not kickbacks and nefarious bureaucratic schemes.

    Disclaimer: Former Chief Judge Jeremiah S. Jeremiah is a defendant in the U.S. District Court case Alahverdian v. Rhode Island Department of Children, Youth and Families, et al. of which I am obviously a party.

     
  12. Lincoln Chafee and the Christmas Tree dilemma

    I’ve been thinking about the implications of Rhode Island Governor Lincoln Chafee’s audacious action of not calling a Christmas Tree what it is: a Christmas Tree. This man, who became Governor solely because of Frank Caprio’s allegedly disparaging remarks during a Presidential visit by President Obama, continuously proves himself to be unfit to govern and unmoved by the state’s fiscal and political difficulties. If you aren’t familiar with the issue, Governor Chafee called the tree placed in the rotunda of the State House a “holiday” tree as opposed to a “Christmas” tree. Now I’m not alleging that political correctness has no place in today’s society. However, calling the tree a holiday tree is outlandish.

    Chafee did two things wrong: first, he thought he was being compassionate to individuals of alternative faiths. This is not the case because many Atheists, Muslims, and Jews do not place trees in their living rooms in December and are often unfazed by the act of celebrating an arguably hyper-commercial holiday in public. However, as Rhode Island is the second most religious state in the nation (after Utah, where the majority of residents are members of the LDS Church) with the majority of residents being Roman Catholic, the citizenry is rightly outraged by Chafee’s decision to apply a misnomer to a traditional holiday icon that is not used in any other religious celebration or day of observance.

    Second, he didn’t even speak to the children’s choir that came to sing at the State House tree lighting ceremony. They were promised an audience with the governor yet they were not even acknowledged. Chafee and his administration is, as far as I can tell, as distanced from constituents as a gubernatorial administration can be. Rarely have I heard any of my colleagues having a positive interaction with his office. Communication with constituents and lobbyists is frowned upon, as I have constantly experienced, and the right to petition the government for a redress of grievances is unfortunately condoned.

    Chafee needs to reassess his public persona. He needs to supplant his inept staff with talented, skilled individuals that understand the intricacies of issues facing everyday Rhode Islanders. Until then, he and his maladroit administration will continue to be lambasted by the press and the public.

    © 2011 Nicholas Alahverdian

     
  13. My Take on the Penn State Abuse Crisis

    Earlier this month, in a remarkable demonstration of accountability, the Penn State Board of Trustees dismissed a member of the coaching staff who, in 2002, committed sexual assault upon a child and colleagues who assisted in the subsequent coverup. Perhaps the most exalted figure in college football, head coach Joe Paterno, was ousted as a result of his failure to report the rape, which allegedly occurred in March of 2002. 
     
    Americans have long worshiped idols crafted of the Paterno personality. The fall of one of America’s great athletic icons angered many fans and students. However, this signified deliberate action taken by a nationally recognized university to right the wrongs of a dishonorable collegiate athletic administration. 
     
    Child abuse is, unfortunately, not a rare occurrence. However, because the abuse and subsequent coverup was perpetrated by individuals employed by the Commonwealth of Pennsylvania, the swift, conscious firings were imperative and justified. The abuse became international news overnight, which begs this question: is a public discussion of abuse and coverup by state employees only required when a nationally-ranked football team is involved?
     
    In 2002, I was in the care and custody of the Rhode Island Department of Children, Youth and Families. At the same time, I was working at the Rhode Island House of Representatives as a legislative aide. I had daily contact with then-Speaker John Harwood, and many other representatives and senators. I also had daily contact with employees of group homes and shelters that assaulted and tortured me on a daily basis. I believe that working for the State of Rhode Island and simultaneously being in the care of the State is unprecedented in Rhode Island history. 

    Read More

     
  14. An Open Letter to Everyone in Washington

    We matter.

    The people that you represent, the people that elected you, the people that you spoke to in the corner of the bar at your fundraiser, the people that you shook the hands of at the parade, the seniors at the community suppers you dined with- we all matter.

    We know that the government isn’t perfect, yet we also know the amazing and phenomenal wonders the American democracy can work. Constantly seeking the latter, I feel the intense, brazen American dream surrounding me in the cradle of the nation - New England. The revolutionary vigor that pierced the souls of those patriots who went before us still lives. That same spirit of which I speak inclines me to illustrate the plights and struggles of the common man.

    For the benefit of a great nation, we must elevate the state of the union. We must provide three fundamentally American components to each citizen to accomplish this goal. To me, these are education, health, and opportunity. Without each of these elements, no American can adequately prosper, and that makes this union much less than what our founding fathers meant it to be.

    Every American deserves the advantage of enjoying these three components of life… is that not what our soldiers and sailors have perilously fought for? The inexhaustible debate in Washington is clearly infuriating - and as the debate ensues, more Americans are wandering from the proverbial ambitions that we should be promoting. Instead, some are publicizing the false existence of a dystopian society, allowing American ideals to diminish for some.

    Democrats - why are some citizens on welfare, public benefits, and food stamps? Because they have lost hope. Republicans - why are so many citizens fearing that their advocacy for marriage equality and a marginally regulated economy might constitute un-American activities? Because they abide by your fear tactics. Everybody - deal with it… a union is nothing more than a bunch of people fighting for rights that they know the state can provide. And why? Because they respect the state. They respect the history and distinction that has led America to lead the world, and they know that we can do better; they know that we can surely provide a greater lifestyle for our people.

    Our nation is filled with the brightest people and the most industrious workers. We have the expertise, the aptitude, and the resources to break through this deficit and this volatile political atmosphere. Sure, it might be hard. But would you rather solve this problem, or the complication of liberating the union from the British Empire? It’s not an insurmountable apocalypse; it is indeed a political dispute.

    This constitutional combativeness has gone on for far too long: and it is the prime time to recognize that Americans might have political differences, and that Americans might have contrasting beliefs on how to solve social and economic challenges - but we all inherently desire the same set of distinctive liberties: that of a nation that provides the opportunity for its people; that of a nation that nurtures a technologically advanced, affordable, and first-rate health care system; and that of a nation that establishes a challenging academic curriculum to safeguard America’s intellectual prowess.

    Our ability to succeed relies on the audacity of our forefathers. Lincoln solidified the durability of the union, Kennedy substantiated our national security, and Obama exhibited the progress of the nation through history. Now, it is time that we ensure that these acclaimed American triumphs benefit all of us: let us stop fighting and establish lasting solutions. Only then can we go on with this great experiment that reveres liberty, self-reliance, and individual duty as enduring attributes of a prosperous civilization - one that we happen to call home. And we are all thoroughly honored to call it our own.

     
  15. 07:14 12th Nov 2011

    Notes: 8

    My own experience has been that the tools I need for my trade are paper, tobacco, food, and a little whisky.
    — William Faulkner